My Africa Today

The Rwandan government is in final preparations to receive about 60,000 Rwandans who will return from Tanzania next year due to the East African country’s crackdown on illegal immigrants in its territory. Foreign Minister Dr Charles Murigande said an agreement had been reached between the two countries to finalise the process by the end of next year. “We have been holding meetings with our Tanzanian counterparts over the issue of illegal Rwandan settlers living in their territory, and very soon an estimated 60,000 refugees will be repatriated,” the minister told The New Times on Wednesday.

He said many of those to be repatriated are pastoralists living in Karagwe District.

A couple of months ago, Tanzania expelled an estimated 3,000 Rwandans who allegedly had no rights to live in the vast East African nation.

Murigande said representatives of both governments held comprehensive discussions on the matter last June in Kigali, after which it was decided that the repatriation process would be finalised in September 2007.

The minister said that the Kigali administration had already sent a delegation to sensitise the Rwandans about the impending repatriation.

He said the delegation scouted different parts of Tanzania that are occupied by Rwandan refugees, particularly Karagwe District for 15 days, urging them to return home voluntarily.

Most of these refugees are opposed to the move because the areas they currently occupy are vast enough for their animals to graze, a drastic difference from the situation in Rwanda.

Murigande said both governments had agreed to let the process take that long, because of other activities involved. Such activities involve mass vaccination of the refugees’ animals against cattle diseases.

Over the past few years the government stepped up efforts against cattle diseases such as foot and mouth, with serious restrictions for the entry of cattle and dairy products into the country.

Without delving into the details, the minister said an inter-ministerial committee between the ministries of Infrastructure, Education, and Lands and Environment has already decided on the areas in which to resettle the refugees upon return.

A recent World Food Programme emergency report indicates that the number of expelled Rwandan refugees from Tanzania was soaring each month.

The August 25, 2006 report said that 610 returnees were still accommodated in 171 temporary tent stands, and that 520 had been settled.

Murigande said the expulsions are in no way related to the relations between the two countries. Tanzania had the right to expel illegal immigrants.

“Tanzania claims that there are people who have been living on her territory illegally and they have decided to send them away. So, as a sovereign state, this decision cannot be overlooked,” he said.


He however could not rule out a possibility of some opportunists using the situation to distabilise legal settlers, and robbing them of their property.

The majority of the expelled Rwandans say their cattle and other assets were confiscated from them by Tanzanians during the process.

The two governments set up a joint team to study the returnees’ complaints and a report is yet to be released.

Inspired by nature, and one of its most beautiful elements, gold, Nokia today unveiled the Nokia 8800 Sirocco Gold - a bold and prestigious new style statement. Encased in a luxurious 18-carat gold plating, the precisely crafted Nokia 8800 Sirocco Gold combines timeless design with a contemporary flair, resulting in an exclusive display of personal style and elegance. The Nokia 8800 Sirocco Gold is now available in select markets, with an estimated retail price of EUR 1000, before taxes or subsidies.

A smooth sliding mechanism reveals a high-resolution camera (2 Megapixel) and the intuitive and ergonomic keypad. Further “inner beauty” highlights of the Nokia 8800 Sirocco Gold include a stunning color screen (up to 262K colors), and a wide array of messaging functionalities. The elegance of the Nokia 8800 Sirocco Gold is also complemented by a coordinating desk stand and color-matching Bluetooth headset.

Design: Nokia

Any concept vehicle with a name derived from the word the Inuit’s use for their dwellings made of Earth, whalebone, and animal skins is bound to be interesting. Hyundai Europe’s Design and Technical Center in Russelsheim, Germany partnered with GE Plastics in the Netherlands to create the QarmaQ a quirky looking Crossover Coup concept.

One of the QarmaQ’s key features is its innovative use of recycled polyethylene terephthalate (PET) plastic bottles to create a large portion of the vehicle’s skin. GE says the use of plastics, instead of more traditional metal and glass, gives the vehicle a 130-pound weight savings. That weight loss equates to 20 gallons a year savings in gas, not to mention fewer plastic bottles clogging up the local landfill. These numbers are nothing to scoff when you think of all the cars on the road.

The Green theme extends further as the vehicle use less paint and other chemicals that create massive amounts of greenhouse gases. Hyundai said some of the production techniques used in the QarmaQ could roll out beginning with the 2008 model year.

Design: Hyundai [ Via: Treehugger ]

I prefer using my bank card over physical cash and here’s why. With a card, I can’t view real-time data on my account usage. In a way I feel I can keep shopping all willy nilly without a care in the world and not feel guilty since I can’t see what it’s doing to my checking account - no doubt bleeding from my frivolous shopping trips.

Designer Jacob Palmborg’s solve for shopaholics like me is an RFID card linked to every account you have. A small interface indicates your own economic situation and forecasts what effects your purchases might have on your future economic status. The whole thing works wirelessly so no actual date is stored on the card. The card also has biometric security so only you can access it. This opens up the possibility of it being your driver’s license, student ID, passport, etc. Now if it only had customizable wallpapers, I’m sold!

Designer: Jacob Palmborg

Stephanie Nieuwoudt

Nairobi

Strolling through the aisles of one of the shops of the biggest supermarket chain in Kenya, it is easy for a South African to spot familiar brands. There are boxes and bottles full of cereal, instant coffee, fruit, soup, toiletries and other products imported from South Africa. And then there are the well-known clothing retailers.

But these products do not come cheaply. Due to import and excise duties those who want to purchase these brands in Kenya pay up to three times more than they would in South Africa. It is painful for consumers in Kenya but there is still a ready market for South African goods in the east African country.

South African exporters have the upper hand to their Kenyan counterparts. Import and export figures for the month of March 2007 show a trade imbalance between the two countries. South Africa exported produce worth 57,6 million US dollars to Kenya while Kenya exported only a fraction of that amount (1,86 million US dollars) to South Africa.

Kenya exports, among other products, tea, coffee, flowers and vegetables to South Africa.

According to a media release issued by South Africa's department of foreign affairs, there are more than 30 South African companies in Kenya, making South Africa the biggest foreign direct investor in the east African country.

Kenya is also South Africa's biggest trading partner on the continent outside of the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

These facts are testament to a growing self-reliance in Africa, an interdependence that will make development and progress on the continent less contingent on ties with either the West or the East.

But it also touches a nerve that is becoming ever rawer as the economic giant that is South Africa strides more confidently across what is in many ways its own backyard. Its large trade imbalances with fellow African countries expose South Africa to accusations that it has, ironically, become imperialist.

"Yes, trade imbalances exist," South African Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma told reporters in Nairobi during her visit to Kenya in November last year. "However, it is something that can only be corrected in the long run. Our economic relations are like a long distance run, not a 100 meter sprint."

This trade imbalance is supposed to be addressed by a pending joint commission for bilateral cooperation between the two countries, the South African high commissioner to Kenya, Tony "Gab" Msimanga, told a Kenyan radio station recently.

Among others, the agreement will address in an amicable manner trade problems that both countries experience. This will be provided for in the soon to be concluded legal framework, he said.

The idea of a joint commission was raised in 2003 when Kenya's President Mwai Kibaki visited South Africa for Thabo Mbeki's inauguration for his second term in office as president.

However, any possibility of the agreement bringing Kenya to the level of an equal partner with South Africa is far away. "I do not see this happening soon," a South African businessperson, who asked to remain anonymous, told IPS.

"We are dealing with supply and demand and at this stage South Africa wants less from Kenya while Kenya is much more dependent on the more diversified markets of South Africa," he pointed out.

Stewart Henderson, chairperson of the South African Business Association of Kenya, told IPS that the value of the joint commission will lie in the easing up of red tape. There is also the potential of huge gains in the building of human capacity.

"South African road engineers will for example share knowledge and skills with their Kenyan counterparts. It is absolutely essential that both the public and private sectors get involved in capacity building. The Kenyan private sector is incredibly dynamic and can for the most part measure up to international standards," he said.

There is room for improvement regarding the time lapse between the application and the issuing of business licences and the maze of bureaucracy that businesspeople confront before they can establish a business in Kenya, according to Henderson.

American policy is based overwhelmingly on the idea that Africa can lift itself out of extreme poverty through its own efforts, that aid is largely misused because of corruption, and that the United States already gives generous amounts. This is wrong on all counts: Africa is trapped in poverty, many countries are well poised to use aid effectively, and America’s contribution is tiny relative to Africa’s needs, America’s promises and America’s wealth.

Africa suffers simultaneously from three challenges that trap it in poverty. First, Africa does not grow enough food. Unlike Asia, Africa did not have a Green Revolution in food production. In 1965, India averaged 854 kilograms of grain per hectare in use, while sub-Saharan Africa averaged almost the same, 773 kilograms per hectare. But by 2000, India was producing 2,293 kilograms per hectare, while Africa was producing only 1,118.

Second, Africa suffers from disease unlike any other part of the world. Africa’s AIDS pandemic is well known; its malaria pandemic, which will claim three million lives and a billion illnesses this year, is not. India controlled malaria after the 1960’s, while Africa did not, one reason being that Africa’s malaria-bearing mosquitoes are particularly adept at transmitting the disease.

Third, Africa is economically isolated, owing to very poor infrastructure, large over-land distances and many landlocked countries. These geographical barriers keep much of Africa—especially rural Africa—out of the mainstream of international trade. Without the benefits of trade, much of rural Africa struggles at subsistence levels.

Bush might think that America is doing a lot to help overcome these problems, but the truth is that U.S. aid is minimal. Blair’s Africa Commission, as well as the U.N. Millennium Project, found that Africa needs about $50 billion per year in aid by 2010. America’s fair share of the total is about $15 billion per year. Yet official U.S. aid to Africa is only $3 billion per year, and much of that covers salaries for American consultants rather than investments in Africa’s needs.

This tragically small sum amounts to just three cents for every $100 of U.S. gross national product, which is less than two days of U.S. military spending.

Not only is U.S. aid a tiny fraction of what it should be, but American explanations for the lack of aid are wrong. Bush and others imply that Africa wastes the aid through corruption. But impoverished and slow-growing African countries like Ghana, Senegal, Mali, Benin and Malawi are ranked as having less corruption than fast-growing Asian countries like Vietnam, Bangladesh and Indonesia. Indeed, America’s own Millennium Challenge Account has already recognized such African countries for their strong governance. Good governance surely will help in Africa and elsewhere, but corruption should not be used as an excuse not to help Africa.

On hunger, the key is to help Africa achieve its own Green Revolution. Rich countries should help African farmers use improved seed varieties, more fertilizer and better water management, such as small-scale irrigation. The techniques are known, but Africa’s farmers are too poor to get started. With increased help to African farmers to grow more food (as opposed to shipping food aid from the United States), it would be possible to double or even triple crop yields.

On disease, malaria could be controlled by 2008 using proven, low-cost methods. But, again, Africa cannot afford them. The first goal should be to distribute long-lasting insecticide-treated bed nets to all of Africa’s rural poor within four years. The best estimates show that Africa needs about 300 million bed nets, and that the cost per net (including shipping) is around $10, for a sum of $3 billion. This cost would be spread over several years. In addition, Africa needs help with anti-malaria medicines, diagnostic equipment and training of community health workers.

On economic isolation, Africa needs help with the basics—roads and ports—but there is also an opportunity to “leapfrog” technology. Cell phones and Internet connectivity could reach all of Africa at low cost, ending the economic isolation of hundreds of millions of people. Some reasonable estimates put the cost at around $1 billion for an Africa-wide fiber-optic network that could bring Internet connectivity and telephone service across the continent’s villages and cities.

Africa is ready to break out of poverty—if the United States and other rich countries help. Europe appears poised to do more, while the United States appears to be the main obstacle. The G-8 Summit provides an opportunity for America, which will spend $500 billion on its military this year, to make a lasting—and certainly more cost-effective —contribution to global security by saving millions of lives in Africa and helping its people escape extreme poverty.

Mr Adebari said it was a great honour

A Nigerian man who arrived in Ireland as an asylum seeker seven years ago has become the country's first black mayor.

Rotimi Adebari has been elected as first citizen of Portlaoise in County Laois.

The 43-year-old fled from Nigeria in 2000 because of religious persecution. After a few weeks, he and his family settled in the County Laois town.

In 2004, he was elected in the local elections as an independent councillor and on Thursday he became mayor.

The move was the result of a voting pact between Fine Gael, Sinn Fein and independent councillors.

The father-of-four has completed a masters degree in intercultural studies at Dublin City University and now works for Laois County Council, co-ordinating an integration project for local immigrants.

Mr Adebari said it was a great honour to become Portlaoise's first citizen, but that praise should be given to the people who elected him three years ago.

"Ireland is really changing. The immigrant community in the town has been growing, especially since the accession countries joined the European Union on enlargement in 2004," he said.

However, he added: "That is not to say that I did not have my own share of the prejudice that would be out there against maybe Nigerians, or immigrants or asylum seekers."

"But I don't let the attitude of a very small minority over-shadow the fact that the people are wonderful."

Strengths.

* Starbucks Corporation is a very profitable organization, earning in excess of $600 million in 2004.The company generated revenue of more than $5000 million in the same year.
* It is a global coffee brand built upon a reputation for fine products and services. It has almost 9000 cafes in almost 40 countries.
* Starbucks was one of the Fortune Top 100 Companies to Work For in 2005. The company is a respected employer that values its workforce.
* The organization has strong ethical values and an ethical mission statement as follows, 'Starbucks is committed to a role of environmental leadership in all facets of our business.'

Weaknesses.

* Starbucks has a reputation for new product development and creativity. However, they remain vulnerable to the possibility that their innovation may falter over time.
* The organization has a strong presence in the United States of America with more than three quarters of their cafes located in the home market. It is often argued that they need to look for a portfolio of countries, in order to spread business risk.
* The organization is dependant on a main competitive advantage, the retail of coffee. This could make them slow to diversify into other sectors should the need arise.

Opportunities.

* Starbucks are very good at taking advantage of opportunties.
* In 2004 the company created a CD-burning service in their Santa Monica (California USA) cafe with Hewlett Packard, where customers create their own music CD.
* New products and services that can be retailed in their cafes, such as Fair Trade products.
* The company has the opportunity to expand its global operations. New markets for coffee such as India and the Pacific Rim nations are beginning to emerge.
* Co-branding with other manufacturers of food and drink, and brand franchising to manufacturers of other goods and services both have potential.

Threats.

* Who knows if the market for coffee will grow and stay in favour with customers, or whether another type of beverage or leisure activity will replace coffee in the future?
* Starbucks are exposed to rises in the cost of coffee and dairy products.
* Since its conception in Pike Place Market, Seattle in 1971, Starbucks' success has lead to the market entry of many competitors and copy cat brands that pose potential threats.

'Starbucks' mission statement is 'Establish Starbucks as the premier purveyor of the finest coffee in the world while maintaining our uncompromising principles while we grow.' The following six guiding principles will help us measure the appropriateness of our decisions' more? Then go to Starbucks.

Disclaimer: This case study has been compiled from information freely available from public sources. It is merely intended to be used for educational purposes only.

This representation is quite different from the typical lithe, long-haired, light-skinned and delicate-featured depiction of the man Christians consider the son of God.

Israeli and British forensic anthropologists and computer programmers got together to create the face featured in the 1.2-million circulation magazine, which occasionally veers from its usual coverage of motors and tools to cover the merger of science and religion.

“What did Jesus look like?” the article asks. “An answer has emerged from an exciting new field of science: forensic anthropology.”
Looking in on forensic anthropology

The same science has been used to create artists’ depictions of dozens of famous faces, including the father of Alexander the Great and King Midas of Phrygia. This new conceptualization of Jesus is based in large part on the work of Richard Neave, a medical artist retired from the University of Manchester in England.

“Using archaeological and anatomical science rather than artistic interpretation makes this the most accurate likeness ever created,” Jean Claude Gragard, producer of the BBC documentary “Son of God,” told The London Times. Gragard used the same image last year in his series.

“It isn’t the face of Jesus, because we’re not working with the skull of Jesus, but it is the departure point for considering what Jesus would have looked like,” he added.
How they started

Neave and a team of researchers started with an Israeli skull dating back to the 1st century. They then used computer programs, clay, simulated skin and their knowledge about the Jewish people of the time to determine the shape of the face, and color of eyes and skin.

They turned to the Bible to determine the length of his hair. In the New Testament, “would Paul (one of the apostles) have written, ‘If a man has long hair, it is a disgrace to him’ if Jesus Christ had had long hair?” the article speculates.

The magazine’s editors admit that they cannot be certain of the accuracy of this facial representation.
‘Hard to find a lot of evidence’

“There is no way that we are saying this is the skull of Jesus,” Popular Mechanic’s Mike Fillon told CNN. “Christians believe … that Jesus’ entire body was resurrected, so there would never be any bones or skull or DNA evidence of Jesus. Plus, his ministry was very, very short. So it would be hard to find a lot of evidence.”

Instead the article focuses on describing the painstaking effort of imagining the face and how science and theology both played a part in the process.

Despite the concerns about accuracy, Alison Galloway, a professor of anthropology at the University of California in Santa Cruz, told Popular Mechanics that: “This is probably a lot closer to the truth than the work of many great masters.”

By Chris Ferree

The lands that make up what is now Uganda and Kenya were one of the last places on the African continent to be explored by white men. Apart from a few lusty adventurers ( such as Speke, Grant, and Stanley) and the occasional missionary , the map of what was to be British East Africa was blank until nearly the turn of the century. In fact, the knowledge of the area was so lacking that Stanley’s Emin Pasha Relief Expedition of 1887 went to Lake Albert by way of the Congo. Even into the 1890’s and expedition could expect to make some sort of geological, zoological or ethnological discovery.

In the late 1870’s missionaries coming from the south or up the Nile arrived on the west coast of Lake Victoria to preach the gospel. There were also Arab traders from Mombasa and Zanzibar as well as Mahdist from the Sudan shouting the praises of Islam. Of the Christian missions, French Roman Catholics and British Protestants of the Church Mission Society were responsible for the conversions to Christianity in Uganda. While the Muslims had no formal missions ( at least none mentioned in the European history books) converts to the word of the Prophet kept pace with both of the Christian sects combined. The rivalry between the Wa-Fransa (Catholics) and the Wa-Ingleza (Protestants) was only surpassed by their mutual hatred of the Islamic faction. This was a recipe for war and violence that would last for years.

At the beginning of this period, Wagandan beliefs held that their Kabaka (King) was a deity. Both Christianity and the Muslim religions disputed the god-like stature of the Ruler resulting in their persecution. Unfortunately for the Kabakas (first Mtesa then Mwanga), he could not stem the tide of conversions and the ranks of Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant continued to swell. For Mtesa, continued persecution was the answer. When Mwanga ascended to the throne the situation was becoming serious. In the year 1888, he planned to rid himself of all of the converts, Christian and Muslim. Mwanga was going to lure them onto one of Victoria’s islands and leave them to perish. However, news of the plot was leaked and Mwanga was just able to escape .

Kiwewa, Mwanga’s brother, was names Kabaka by the Christians who assumed the majority of offices in court. The Muslims, outraged by the division of power, made a surprise attack at a council meeting, killing many Christian chiefs and capturing Kiwewa. The Mohammedan chief tried to force the Kabaka to conform to Islam, but Kiwewa stood firm. In fact he was able to dispatch two Muslim chiefs before he made good his escape. At this point the near leaderless Christian population fled Uganda to Akoli on the south end of the lake. The White missionaries were left in the Muslims hands. They were soon set adrift onto the lake and their goods were looted.

By the middle of 1889 the “Arabs” as Lugard called them, were in control of the country. Karema, another of Mwanga’s brothers, was made the Islamic king of Uganda. The non-converted part of the population was still mistreated, and the Christians were looking for a leader. Mwanga, after his flight, was held by the Muslims of Magu district. He was able to escape and eventually ended up at the French mission station of Bukumbi. The Christians offered to reinstate Mwanga, provided some changes were made in his policies. With the help of Stokes, a former mission agent turned trader/gun runner, Mwanga led the Christians back to Uganda.

Unfortunately, The Arabs were ready and the christian army was pushed back to Ankoli. They did, however, have control of the lake. The king occupied the Sesee Islands near the capital, Mengo,but the main army was in the south. It was at this time (June 1889) that word came of an Imperial British East Africa Company safari camped at Kavirondo on the eastern shore of Lake Victoria. Mwanga sent letters to Jackson, the leader of the expedition, asking for help. Jackson replied that he could only enter Uganda if Mwanga would sign a treaty giving Britain exclusive rights to trade.

By September of 1889, Mwanga’s Christian coalition was falling apart. He called for the missionaries to join him on the islands to help solidify the his forces. With the help of the missionaries, both Protestant and Catholic, Mwanga regained control of his forces and drove the Muslims from the capital. With this success, Mwanga rejected Jackson’s offer. His success was short lived and it was not long before Mwanga was back on the islands and the Arabs were back in Mengo. More letters were sent to Jackson, stating that he, Mwanga “was ready to do business”. Father Pere Lourdel, the chief Catholic missionary, also sent a request to Jackson for aid. Jackson was, however, away exploring and did not get the letters until November.

Dr. Karl Peters, leader of the German Emin Pasha Relief Expedition, read Jackson’s letters and immediately pushed on for Uganda. When he reached the Nile, in Usoga Province, Peters was told that the Pasha had been rescued by Stanley. The good doctor then decided to push on to Mengo to render aid to the embattled Mwanga. Once Jackson returned to Kavirondo and found his opened mail, he too set off for Mengo.

As the fortunes of war turned again in the Christians favor, in February 1890, Mwanga was back in his capital. Dr. Peters arrived later in the month and signed a treaty with Mwanga leaving all Uganda open to any European. Dr. Peters did no enjoy his triumph for long, however. Because of his behavior he fell in to ill-favor and soon moved south to German territory.

Jackson arrived at Mengo in April 1890. His arrival was somewhat of a disappointment to Mwanga, as he had too few rifles and no flashy uniforms like Peters’ men. He also came to lager-heads with the Catholic Fathers because his treaty would put the I.B.E.A. in control. With the Catholics advising the king, negotiations went nowhere.

Because of the political stalemate, Jackson decided to leave Uganda. He would leave behind his colleague Mr. Gedge with 35 men and 180 rifles. Gedge also had instructions to buy up any guns that entered the country ( Mr. Stokes was away at this time obtaining them for the Waganda ). When Jackson told the court of his intention of leaving, the Wa-Ingleza decided to go with him. This move would leave the Catholics greatly outnumbered, so they decided to leave also. AS this plan would not work, Jackson took a representative from each party to argue the case in front of a higher authority.

Two events occurred at this time that would change the fortunes of the British Company. First, a treaty was signed between Britain and Germany that recognized the border between their spheres of Influence west of the lake as 1 degree south latitude. This placed Uganda well within British territory. Of course, Jackson did not find this out until he returned to the coast. The second was the death of Father Lourdel. Lourdel was the man who had the King’s ear and with him gone the British had a chance.

As Jackson was leaving Mengo Frederic Lugard was moving off the coast. Lugard was the company man that would settle the question of European control in Uganda. He marched towards Uganda armed with the Anglo-German treaty, 270 armed porters ( about 1/3 he classed as reliable), 50 Sudanese and Somali askari, a few other Europeans and a worn out Maxim gun. What he lacked was ammunition, he only had about 11 rounds apiece for the men when he arrived at Mengo.

Gedge was, unfortunately, not he man to leave behind. He was not one to stand up to the Kabaka and was soon beat down. His situation in Mengo soon became intolerable and he left for German territory. Before he left though, Gedge handed out the 180 Snider rifles and ammunition in his charge. This was incase the Muslims attacked.

Lugard arrived in Uganda by December 1890. He entered the country without asking permission of the Kabaka, set up his camp in the capital, and then told Mwanga when he would be ready for an audience. Upon their meeting, Lugard said he only came by to make his introductions and that other matters would wait. This was done and Lugard took his leave, again without asking for approval. Lugard’s bold approach earned him the respect of the king.

The company’s fort was begun on Kampala Hill, opposite Mwanga’s palace atop Mengo Hill. Lugard anxiously awaited the arrival of Mr. Williams, his second in command, with much needed supplies (including ammunition). He also began negotiations for a treaty with Mwanga. Lugard showed no partiality for either party and attempted to make friends with all the chiefs. In this, he met with some success, though it did nothing to bolster the Protestants resolve or curb the Catholics haughtiness. The result was an ever widening rift between the parties.

Mwanga’s court was divided down the middle. Half of his councillors were Catholic, the other half were Protestant. In addition, each office was controlled by its party. If a particular officer wished to change his party, he would forfeit his office and the controlling party would select a new officer. This arrangement was made after the last recapture of the capital by the combined Christian armies. Lugard’s indifference in the politics of court put the advantage to the Catholic side. Again the Wa-Ingleza were on the verge of exodus when a last deputation was sent to Lugard. They were given the impression that he was only biding his time until reinforcements arrived. This was good enough and the Protestants decided to stick it out.

As the year of 1891 dawned, Lugard continued work on his fort and got a signed treaty from Mwanga. The Protestant Bishop Tucker arrived at the capital, and finally at the end of January Williams showed up with more Sudanese and Swahilis and an additional Maxim.. Bishop Hirth, a Roman Catholic, arrived in February and the stage was set for a new round of religious turmoil.

Lugard was now ready, or thought he was ready to tackle the problems of this divided people. The arguments Lugard heard involved shamba, council positions. Those members who wished to change religions did not want to lose their shamba, while the leaders of the parties wished to rid themselves of those members leaning toward the opposite faction. Bishop Hirth brought up the question of religious freedom as proclaimed by the company charter. Lugard found a loophole around this point. It seems that party control of shamba was guaranteed in a treaty signed by the Catholics back in 1889. Lugards treaty with Mwanga respected previous treaties made by the factions. Lugard argued that a new treaty with the company would be required if he was to take up this subject.

It was lucky for Lugard at this time that the Muslims reentered the fray. Arab forces began raiding in the Unyoro Province (on the banks of Lake Albert). Again the Christians put aside their differences and marched against the common foe. Lugard was gone for the rest of the year. In that time he defeated the muslims and established a line of frontier outposts manned by Sudanese left by Emin Pasha.

Williams, who remained at Mengo, didn’t have it so easy. He was bombarded with accusations and stories of atrocities from both sides. It was only by the cool heads of the higher level chiefs that civil war was averted. But, the cool heads would only prevail while the muslim threat continued.

Lugard returned to Kampala Fort on December 31, 1891. He had 100 Sudanese troops with him (more leftovers from Emin) and found plenty of ammunition and other supplies at the fort. The rigors of campaigning had Lugard and while he waited for the trial of a gun theft complaint to begin he became ill. As he left he noticed the Wa-Fransa chief giggling amongst themselves and thought something was up. Lugard’s Swahili interpreter, Duala, stayed for the trial.

Duala reported the trial as follows: A Catholic sub-chief had a gun stolen by one of Apolo Kagwa’s men (Kagwa, a Protestant was the Katikiro the next office under Kabaka). Kagwa agreed to deliver a gun to the injured party, but was not forthcoming, as he was waiting for the return of one of his guns that was stolen previously. Therefore, the Wa-Fransa setup a ruse beer stand in the market and when a Wa-Ingleza stopped to get a drink, the snatched his rifle. This man, one Tabula by name, rounded up some guys to retrieve this gun. When they entered the enclosure containing the thief, they were met with a volley and Tabula fell.

The Kabaka Mwanga ruled that the Protestants took the law into their own hands and, therefore, got what they deserved. Lugard felt the trial was rigged. In response, he handed out 40 muzzleloading rifles and a barrel of powder to the Wa-Ingleza. Mwanga protested the handing out of rifles. Lugard in turn, protested the acquittal of the Catholic stating that, “… if no justice is done there will be war.” That night, the 23rd of January, the war drums were beating and Mwanga was moving powder and shot into the palace.

On the morning of the 24th, Mwanga set a message to Lugard asking him to call of the war. Lugard replied that he would be glad to if Tabula’s murderer was turned in and he recieved an apology for the insults of the past two days. While waiting for the Kabaka’s response, Lugard handed out about 150 Sniders and 300 to 350 muzzleloaders to the Wa-Ingleza. This was for their own protection as the Wa-Fransa we massing at the palace.

Around 11:00 am shots rang out. A wounded man was brought to the fort, shot by Catholic potato thieves. Lugard sent another letter to Mwanga demanding the perpetrator of this last act of violence. Mwanga sent in a peasant in place of the real perpetrator, but Lugard saw this as a sign of good faith and was ready to talk.

It was, however, too late. Some Catholics went to steal clothes and bananas from Kagwa’s plantation (as a sign of contempt for the Katikiro). They were chased off by Kagwa’s men, but returned in greater numbers and an argument ensued. Shots were exchanged and a Wa-Ingleza went down. A large group of Protestants in the market heard the shots and advanced up the road.

The Protestants were cut off by two Catholic enclosures which opened fire. Some Wa-Ingleza continued to battle their way up the main road to the palace, while another group circled around to the right. They met some resistance, but finally mounted Rubaga Hill, on which set the Catholic mission. The mission was put to the torch.

The burning church was visible by all in Mengo, including Lugard and Mwanga. The Wa-Fransa, in response to the burning of their church, assualted the enclosure of Apolo Kagwa enmasse. The Katikiro’s enclosure was just below the palace in a mainly Catholic part of town. Kagwa’s men were soon routed and ran to the fort. The Catholics were hotly pursued the Protestants until Lugard opened fire with one of his Maxim guns. Though it didn’t cause many casualties, it did check the Wa-Fransa advance.

This gave Apolo Kagwa time to regroup and counterattack. The Protestant advance was supported by Williams and 200 Sudanese. The Catholics broke on all fronts and escaped to the islands of lake Victoria.

Though there was still much work and fighting to be done, by the end of the day the I.B.E.A. Company was the ruler of Uganda

PAJERO is one of those names which "built" the Mitsubishi fame and reputation. Throughout the years it went from a strict off-roader to an SUV but always with serious 4x4 abilities. The latest generation makes no exception and the 3 diamonds brand decided to show it a little love through a limited edition called "EXCEED".

The image of the Pajero has always been strong and safe, this special edition intends to improve the overall quality feel through classic body colors (Black Mica - White Pearl), a slightly modified front grille and, the cherry on top, a new Satellite Navigation System featuring a 30GB hard disk drive, 7 inches monitor and compatible with the Japanese Digital Television called 1Seg, a sweet addition for those who want to enjoy their favorite medias in the middle of nowhere.

The excellent 3 litre V6, 4 speeds auto gearbox and all wheel drive system are of course all there, the price tag of 3.696.000yen, not too far from the price of a standard version makes it a very interesting offer for all our Japanese friends.

Double Your Gas Mileage! 2X - video powered by Metacafe

The concept of trade is as old as time itself. Modern civilisation and its attendant development is an offshoot of trading activities. The West African sub-region has a long history of trade and commerce, which is traceable to the era of trade by barter and the trans Saharan trade routes.

Thus, the recent disclosure by the Minister for Cooperation and Integration in Africa, Chief Bimbola Ogunkelu of the establishment by Nigeria and six other West African countries of a free trade area is a much-expected development. The initiative, which is part of the fruit of the new democratic dispensation in Nigeria, is one of President Olusegun Obasanjo's programmes to forge the integration of the people on the continent by encouraging closer economic relation by national governments.

The participating countries in the programme are Niger, Benin, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana, Burkina Faso, Mali and Nigeria. Basically, the aim of the free trade zone is to eliminate tariff regimes inhibiting persons, goods and services originating from the affected countries. Consequently, all barriers impeding the free flow of goods will be dismantled.

According to the Minister, the short to medium term goal of the project is to facilitate the integration of Africa through infrastructure development. This is being pursued vigorously at the ECOWAS sub-regional level. Strong indications of these are the numerous projects at various stages of implementation. Among these are:

* An ECOWAS marine transportation, ECOMARINE
* Air transport facility, ECOAIR Rail network from Lagos to Accra with possible extension to Dakar through Abidjan
* Joint electricity power pool
* A West African Gas Pipeline to boost electricity supply for industrial and domestic usage
* A project named INTELCOM II, to service the regions telecommunication sector trans-coastal and trans-Sahelian highways to facilitate land transportation
* Single currency for the sub-region by 2004
* An ECOWAS passport, and
* An African Parliament

This idea is quite similar to the European experience in trans-border interactions, which is manifested through the European Union (EU).

As globalisation and the principle of contending market forces (liberalisation) are fast eroding geographical barriers in the flow of goods and services globally. At the least it is hoped that the new free trade zone idea will enjoy the maximum support and cooperation of the government's of each participating states. This much is expected with the balance that the democratisation wave in Africa has achieved in terms of political stability, instabilities in the past has been the bane of such earlier projects. With time the fruit of this programme will be reaped with careful implementation.

Top 10 Windows Tools

1. Cain & Abel - Cain & Abel is a password recovery tool for the Microsoft Windows Operating System. It allows easy recovery of various kind of passwords by sniffing the network, cracking encrypted passwords using Dictionary, Brute-Force and Cryptanalysis attacks, recording VoIP conversations, decoding scrambled passwords, revealing password boxes, uncovering cached passwords and analyzing routing protocols.

2. SuperScan - SuperScan is a powerful TCP port scanner, pinger, resolver. SuperScan 4 (Current Version) is a completely-rewritten update of the highly popular Windows port scanning tool, SuperScan.

3. GFI LANguard Network Security Scanner - GFI LANguard N.S.S. is a network vulnerability management solution that scans your network and performs over 15,000 vulnerability assessments. It identifies all possible security threats and provides you with tools to patch and secure your network. GFI LANguard N.S.S. was voted Favorite Commercial Security Tool by NMAP users for 2 years running and has been sold over 200,000 times!

4. Retina - Retina Network Security Scanner, recognised as the industry standard for vulnerability assessment, identifies known security vulnerabilities and assists in prioritising threats for remediation. Featuring fast, accurate, and non-intrusive scanning, users are able to secure their networks against even the most recent of discovered vulnerabilities.

5. SamSpade - SamSpade provides a consistent GUI and implementation for many handy network query tasks. It was designed with tracking down spammers in mind, but can be useful for many other network exploration, administration, and security tasks. It includes tools such as ping, nslookup, whois, dig, traceroute, finger, raw HTTP web browser, DNS zone transfer, SMTP relay check, website search, and more.

6. N-Stealth - N-Stealth is a commercial web server security scanner. It is generally updated more frequently than free web scanners such as whisker and nikto, but you have to pay for the privilege.

7. Solarwinds - Solarwinds contains many network monitoring, discovery and attack tools. The advanced security tools not only test internet security with the SNMP Brute Force Attack and Dictionary Attack utilities but also validate the security on Cisco Routers with the Router Security Check. The Remote TCP Reset remotely display all active sessions on a device and the Password Decryption can decrypt Type 7 Cisco Passwords. The Port Scanner allows testing for open TCP ports across IP Address and port ranges or selection of specific machines and ports.

8. Achilles - The first publicly released general-purpose web application security assessment tool. Achilles acts as a HTTP/HTTPS proxy that allows a user to intercept, log, and modify web traffic on the fly. Due to a cyber squatter, Achilles is no longer online at its original home of www.Digizen-Security.com...OOPS!

9. CookieDigger - CookieDigger helps identify weak cookie generation and insecure implementations of session management by web applications. The tool works by collecting and analyzing cookies issued by a web application for multiple users. The tool reports on the predictability and entropy of the cookie and whether critical information, such as user name and password, are included in the cookie values.

10. Netcat (The Network SwissArmy Knife) - Netcat was originally a Unix utility which reads and writes data across network connections, using TCP or UDP protocol. It is designed to be a reliable "back-end" tool that can be used directly or easily driven by other programs and scripts. At the same time, it is a feature-rich network debugging and exploration tool, since it can create almost any kind of connection you would need and has several interesting built-in capabilities.

High Five!!! Its sexy time!’ from Borat! And ‘Hollywood Baby Names’ from the Celebrity Cultural Milieu, Named Top Words from Hollywood Impacting The English Language

The Global Language Monitor analyzes and catalogues the latest trends in word usage and word choices, and their impact on the various aspects of culture. The Top HollyWORDS are released in conjunction with the 79th Academy Awards ceremony that were broadcast from the Kodak Theatre in Los Angeles on Sunday.

Top HollyWORDS for Impact Upon the English Language in 2006 with commentary follow.

1. “High Five!!!! It’s sexy time!” (Borat) – Borat’s wedge into doing or saying anything he pleases on his American Tour.

2. Suri, Shiloh Nouvel, and the rest of the Hollywood Babyland parade. (Hollywood Baby names) -- Opening an entire new world of possibilities to young parents, who are taking to the idea of ultimately, outré, names to inflict upon, err, bestow upon their children.

3. Pursuit (Pursuit of Happyness) – Will Smith's stunning epiphany from the words penned by Thomas Jefferson some 230 years ago.

4. Nazi bullets (Little Miss Sunshine) -- "I still got Nazi bullets in my ass." Grandpa's excuse to do or say anything he pleases.

5. Non Serviam (The Departed) – “I will not serve” from James Joyce. Franks Costello’s pledge as he refuses to be a product of his environment. He wants his “environment to be a product of me”.

6. A reluctant cannibal (Last King of Scotland) -- Forest Whittaker's portrayal of an illiterate, brutal African dictator, who may or may not enjoy feasting upon his victim.

7. A Moral Issue (An Inconvenient Truth) -- … and not a political issue. Al Gore's chilling documentary about Global Warming and it ultimate impact upon the human environment.

8. "Will someone please save these people from themselves!” (The Queen) -- Tony Blair's observations of The Royals as he attempts to heal the rift between The Queen and her subjects.

9. "Help! Ayúdenme! HELP!" (BABEL) Crying for help in a land apparently with out ears.

10. "The details of your incompetence do not interest me." (Devil Wears Prada) – Meryl Streep with yet another nurturing remark to those who surround (and serve) her.

11. Classic Figures (Dreamgirls) –For more than 200,000 years of human history these were the celebrated dimensions of women. What was the tipping point? Twiggy in the 60s?

12. Labyrinth (Pan's Labyrinth) -- Before 'quagmire's' there were 'labyrinths'. In the 21st Century 'labyrinth' is perhaps the better word.

13. Film Noir (Black Dahlia) -- Plenty of 'noir' but not much 'film' in the Black Dahlia. Perhaps Film Noir is better suited to a less cynical age.

14. Arrgh! (Pirate of the Caribbean, Dead Man's Chest) -- Spreading ever more deeply into popular culture.

15. "Rotemorizing" (Akeelah and the Bee) -- The technique of blindly memorizing spelling words.

16. “Make us disappear!” (The Illusionist) – Sophie’s request to a young Eisenheim (Ed Norton).

17. maya yucateco (Apocolypto) -- Mel's Gibson's choice of language for his film depicting a collapsing civilization. (Actually still spoken from some 6 million Maya descendants in the Yucatan.)

18. Dame (Notes on a Scandal) -- What more can be said: Dame Judi Dench, Indeed.

19. Hero (Flags of our Fathers) – Some thing the ‘heroes’ of Iwo Jima never asked to be, much like their 9/11 grandsons.

20. Chica chica, boom boom (Happy Feet) -- That's just one sign that attack of spontaneous happy feet dancing is about to begin.


Top Words for 2006 and 2005

In 2006,‘Brokeback’ from multi-Oscar nominated film 'Brokeback Mountain' was named the Top HollyWORD in the Global Language Monitor's annual survey of words from Hollywood that profoundly influenced the English Language. In 2005, 'Pinot' from the movie Sideways, was named the Top HollyWORD.

John Legend dating a Nigerian Model-TAYO OTITI
John Legend is currently dating a Nigerian Model named Tayo Otiti. Tayo is a model with top modelling agency,Wilhelmina.
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SHOT FROM HER BIRTHDAY DINNER!!

CORDIAL RELATIONS: President Museveni(L) being seen off by his Tanzania counterpart Jakaya Kikwete at Mwanza Airport. (File Phto)
That dubious claim that Amin was a butcher of tens of thousands is coming under closer scrutiny each week.


On April 11, 1979, a joint expeditionary force of the Tanzanian army backing several armed Ugandan exile groups of the Uganda National Liberation Army captured Kampala and the five-month war against the regime of President Idi Amin was over. Amin fell from power.

Hundreds of thousands of Ugandans celebrated the fall of Amin and that Easter Sunday churches were filled with worshippers grateful that an eight-year "reign of terror" had at last come to an end.
It bears debate, however, whether this war to remove Amin was worth the effort, money, and lives it took.

It is said that the Tanzanians fought to remove a dictator and yet today Ugandans are ruled by a leader whom some Tanzanian legislators denounced as a dictator in 2005 as the constitution was being amended to enable him rule beyond the then stipulated two terms.

It has also been widely claimed over the last 30 years that Amin's regime killed between 300,000 and 500,000 Ugandans. This was partly the basis for Tanzania's intervention in late 1978.

Economically, Uganda suffered in many ways during and especially immediately after this unnecessary war. The MiG-17 and MiG-21 fighter-bombers of the Uganda Airforce have never returned to the level at which they were in the 1970s.

A Ugandan peacekeeping contingent to Somalia would have been a formidable sight and no Somali would have dared fire mortars at a plane bringing Ugandan troops to Mogadishu, as happened last month when the UPDF arrived to take up position.

Today, the fact that the Ugandan army does not create a psychological deterrence and does not put fear into the armed Somali groups in Mogadishu, tells of what a shadow of an army Uganda has when compared with that of the 1970s.

Army and police barracks that were well-maintained in the 1970s are today some of the most embarrassingly dilapidated public housing estates in Uganda.
Masaka and Mbarara towns were bombarded during the war and although Mbarara has recovered somewhat since 1979, it has never returned to what it was in the 1970s and Masaka has never recovered at all from that 1979 destruction.

When Amin left power, Uganda did not have any foreign debt but today subsequent governments have still not cleared the debt owed to Tanzania. The war cost Tanzania over 500million dollars which, in 1979 terms, was a lot of money.
The Tanzanian government from time to time has reminded Uganda to repay that money, to no avail.

Instead, President Museveni finds it more important to order Bank of Uganda to pay off businessman Hassan Basajjabalaba's personal debts than to pay of the more important debt of gratitude to Tanzania.

It is said that Amin persecuted the Acholi and Langi tribes with a vengeance during his rule. But it is clear now that never have the people of Teso, Lango, and above all Acholi suffered and been economically and materially deprived as much in Uganda's history as they have since 1986.
The Acholi have spent 20 years in sub-human conditions, a situation that would have been and was unthinkable under Amin.

Less than two years after the war to oust Amin, Uganda was embroiled in a civil war again, launched by two guerrillas, Andrew Kayiira and Yoweri Museveni, who claimed that the root cause of Uganda's problems had been Amin and once he was removed from power, Uganda would return to sanity.

To this day, the Tanzanians do not seem to realise that they were fooled by the Ugandan exile groups to fight a war against Amin that had nothing to do with restoring democracy.

The first official casualty of the NRA war was not a UNLA soldier, but a Tanzanian sentry standing guard at the quarter guard at the Kabamba army barracks on February 6, 1981.

In March 1979, the Libyan strongman Colonel Muammar Gaddafi sent a contingent of Libyan soldiers to help shore up the beleagured regime of Amin. The Tanzanians fought these Libyans, many were killed, and Tripoli was humiliated.

Libya then embarked on an anti-Tanzania diplomatic campaign throughout the Arab and Islamic world in the 1970s and Tanzania suffered for it in a boycott by some Arab countries.

But just three years after 1979, Kayiira and Museveni were already getting arms and financial support from Gaddafi, much to the irritation and dismay of the Tanzanians.
In 2005, during the debate within Uganda over the extension of the term in office of President Museveni, several Tanzanian members of parliament angrily denounced Museveni and the NRM regime over breeding dictatorship in Uganda, the removal of which had been the primary reason for Tanzania's costly war of 1978 and 1979.

That is where the story ends --- after all the wasted resources, lives, and time fighting Amin, Uganda is back to square one, a war that was utterly unnecessary. That is how ironic history can be.

Even as movie maker Michael Moore demonstrated on the steps to California's state capitol here, Bush administration operatives moved behind the scenes to counter his latest movie, 'Sicko'. Moore's new movie exposes many features of the US health care system embarrassing to the administration.

"Lookit!" said an administration spokesman for the Department of Justice. "This traitor Michael Moore is bringing out a bunch of facts the American public has no reason to know. We see no reason at all for people to know how pharmaceutical companies' political contributions affect legislation and rules under our system for example. That kind of thing only confuses people and makes them uneasy and dissatisfied and likely to vote for Democrats."



"And, there's absolutely no reason at all for for the public to have access to performance versus cost statistics either." he said. "The fact that our system costs far more and provides far less coverage than others around the world has no bearing on the way we run things. If Republicans didn't have access to those political contributions, there's a strong likelihood we could not stay in power, and then where would we be?"

"Just look what that might do for the security of our country! We might as well be communists, or worse, be under a Democratic administration for God's sakes! No, we look upon it as our sacred duty to protect the security of our citizens. That's why we are going after Mr. Smart-Ass Michael Moore and those so-called 9/11 heroes who went to Cuba with him. Just how much treason do they think we will tolerate anyway?

The movie unfavorably compares the US health care system to Cuba and several other third world countries. Moore is said to have stashed copies of his movie in Canada and Spain to prevent its seizure by US authorities who wish to prevent its airing. Unless prevented by authorities, the movie is scheduled for public viewing on June 29.

And, even as the administration sought to stifle the movie, and Moore's imprisonment for 'crimes against the administration', it is rumored that President Bush's chief of staff Karl Rove had secretly traveled incognito to Cuba for treatment of an unspecified ailment.

It was hinted to reporters that, "Karl was seeking medical treatment not available in the US."

Entebbe IAP, Uganda, sometimes between 1972 and 1977; the original Ugandan Air Force was formed with Israeli support, in 1964, initially operating 12 Fouga Magisters, six C-47s, and one N.2502D Noratlas, all supplied from Israel. The Israeli influence could have been also the reason for the camouflage colors of the MiG-17F seen here, which is one of around a dozen supplied from the USSR, either in 1966 or in 1972, together with some helicopters and L-29 Delfin trainers. The Israelis also destroyed at least four Ugandan MiG-17Fs during the Entebbe raid, in 1977, when their commandos were rescuing hijacked El Al passengers. The last Ugandan MiG-17Fs flew several sorties during the war against Tanzania, in 1978 and 1979. One was shot down by Tanzanian SA-7s on 11 October 1978, and the remaining two or three captured and then wrecked by Tanzanian troops on Entebbe, in April 1979.

Uganda, early 1970s; African MiGs are not very often seen in flying, but this one was - and at a very low level, sometimes in the early 1970s, when the UAF MiG-21MF was still largely intact. Ugandan Air Force acquired at least 16 (but probably 18) MiG-21MFs and at least two MiG-21Us from the USSR in the early 1970s. The Israelis destroyed seven of these during the Entebbe raid, in 1976, and at least one was lost during the war with Tanzania, in 1978. It is unknown if this example survived: the MiG-21U "U901", for example, can still be found on the scrap yard near Entebbe IAP, together with remnants of two or three other examples.

Entebbe, Uganda, 5 April 1979; this MiG-21MF was one of only seven survivors from the original batch supplied by the USSR, in the early 1970s. It was captured by Tanzanian troops at the Entebbe IAP, at the end of the war between the two countries and then flown out to Tanzania. Note that it is possible the serials of Ugandan MiG-21s were applied in a lighter color than black: eventually red or green could have been used either.

Despite some rumors to contrary, Uganda never operated any MiG-21F-13s. Nevertheless, in 1998 five ex-Polish Air Force and one ex-Polish Navy MiG-21bis were purchased, three of which were then given to IAI for refurbishment and upgrade to a standard similar to that of the MiG-29. These three aircraft were seen at Lod IAP, in Israel, last year, probably short of their delivery. Flown by - probably Byelorussian - mercenaries, they were finally delivered early this year, but one crashed on 15 July, killing the pilot.